Tzvetan Todorov,
On Human Diversity: Nationalism,
Racism, and Exoticism in French Thought (Cambridge. Massachusetts:
Harvard University Press, 1993, pp.90-94
Here I must begin by introducing a terminological
distinction. The word "racism," in its usual sense,
In order to keep these two meanings separate, I shall adopt the
distinction that sometimes obtains between "racism," a term designating
behavior, and "racialism," a term reserved for doctrines. I must add that
the form of racism that is rooted in racialism produces particularly
catastrophic results: this is precisely the case of Nazism. Racism is
ancient form of behavior that is probably found worldwide; racialism is a
movement of ideas born in Western Europe whose period of flowering extends
from the mid-eighteenth century to the mid-twentieth. Racialist doctrine, which will be our chief concern
here, can be presented as a coherent set of propositions. They are all found
in the “ideal type," or classical version of the doctrine, but some of them
may be absent from a given marginal or "revisionist" version . These
propositions may be reduced to five.
1.
The
existence of races. The first thesis obviously consists in affirming
that there are such things as races, that is, human groupings whose members
possess common physical characteristics . . . From this perspective,
races are equated with animal species, and it is postulated that
there is same distance between two human races as between horses and
donkeys: not enough to prevent reproduction, but enough to establish
boundary readily apparent to all. Racialists are not generally content to
observe this state of affairs; they also want to see it maintained: they are
thus opposed to racial mixing.
The adversaries of racialist theory have often attacked the doctrine
on this point. First, they draw attention to the fact that human groups
intermingled from time immemorial; consequently, their physical
characteristics cannot be as different as racialists claim. Next, these
theorists add a two-pronged biological observation to their historical
argument. In the first place, human beings indeed differ from one another in
their physical characteristics; but in order for these variations to give
rise to clearly delimited groups, the differences and the groups would have
to coincide. However, this is not the case. We can produce a first map of
the "races" if we measure genetic characteristics, a second if we analyze
blood composition, a third if we use the skeletal System, a fourth if we look at the epidermis. In the
second place, within each of the groups thus constituted, we find greater
distances between [p.92] one individual and another than between one group
and another. For these reasons,
contemporary biology, while it has not stopped studying variations among
human beings across the planet, no longer uses the concept of race . . .
2.
Continuity
between physical type and character. But races are not simply groups of
individuals who look alike (if this had been the case, the stakes would have
been trivial). The racialist postulates, in the second place, that physical
and moral characteristics are interdependent; in other words, the
segmentation of the world along racial lines has as its corollary an equally
definitive segmentation along cultural lines. To be sure, a single race may
possess more than one culture; but as soon as there is racial variation
there is cultural change. The solidarity between race and culture is evoked
to explain why the races tend to go to war with one another.
Not only do the two segmentations coexist, it is alleged, but most often a
causal relation is posited between them: physical difference determine
cultural differences. . . .
3.
The
action of the group on the individual The same determinist principle
comes into play in another sense: the behavior of the individual depends, to
a very large extent, on the racio-cultural (or "ethnic") group to which he
or she belongs. . . . Racialism is
thus a doctrine of collective psychology, and it is inherently hostile to
the individualist ideology.
4.
Unique
hierarchy of values. The racialist is not content to assert that races
differ; he also believes that some are superior to others, which implies
that he possesses a unitary hierarchy of values, an evaluative framework
with respect to which he can make universal judgments. This is somewhat
astonishing, for the racialist who has such a framework at his disposal is
the same person who has rejected the unity of the human race. The scale of
values in question is generally ethnocentric in origin: it is very rare that
the ethnic group to which a racialist author belongs does not appear at the
top of his own hierarchy. On the level of physical qualities, the judgment
of preference usually takes the form of aesthetic appreciation: my race is
beautiful, the others are more or less ugly. On the level of the mind, the
judgment concerns both [p.94] intellectual and moral qualities (people are
stupid or intelligent, bestial or noble.
5.
Knowledge-based politics. The
four propositions listed so far take the form of descriptions of the world,
factual observations. They lead to conclusion that constitutes the fifth and
last doctrinal proposition namely, the need to embark upon a political
course that bring the world into harmony with the description provided.
Having establish the "facts,'' the racialist draws from them a moral
judgment and political ideal. Thus, the subordination of inferior races or
even their elimination can be justified by accumulated knowledge on the
subject of race. Here is where racialism rejoins racism : the theory is put
into practice .
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